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The Man Behind the Curtain

What is Geithner Doing?

imothy Geithner confuses me. He was the former president of the New York Federal Reserve and has an impressive resume. Obama has defended him multiple times and seems to be behind his initiatives. And with public opinion of bankers so hostile, it seems Geithner can do whatever the hell he wants with the banks. And to top this off, he’s a Dartmouth alumnus. Yet despite all of these qualifications (the first few more than the last one), he seems to confuse himself just as much as he confuses me.

We’re avoiding nationalization. But we’re pouring money and buying a majority stake in the banks—leaving us with all of the bill and none of the control. We’re doing stress tests on the banks. But we’re giving leeway and time for the banks to “make up” their scores, which would potentially destabilize the system through the announcement of the results, but at the same time give us none of the confidence the tests were supposed to provide upon their conclusion.

All of these policies are potentially good ideas, but Geithner’s Treasury seems to have jettisoned all of the advantages of these measures and assumed all of the negative responsibilities. After 100 days of Obama, where does Geithner actually stand?

I think it’s already fair to say that Geithner isn’t an ally of the “Democratic” establishment. Their pet causes—like nationalization, strict regulation, and curbing executive pay—have gotten short shrift on Timmy’s watch. As an avid commentator on a fair number of financial blogs and sites, I’ve also heard my share of vitriol about our favorite Dartmouth alumnus (other than Hank Paulson) being in bed with Wall Street firms. But this explanation is too simple to explain Geithner’s actions.

Although the banks probably don’t mind the money, Geithner has not gone to bat for them, contrary to public opinion. Wall Street probably would have been happier if the stress tests hadn’t been announced in the first place. Understandably, there was much apprehension and (well-deserved) mistrust over the stability of the financial system.

But let’s be honest—what could possibly have been worse for the public’s perception of Wall Street than the Treasury Secretary declaring that he would rigorously test the banks… and then upon “reflection” (looking at the banks’ actual conditions) suddenly revise the standards of the test? It’s as good as saying that the banks are in horrible condition—the last thing bank executives want to portray to their stockholders. I personally have doubts that Wall Street is privately singing Geithner’s praises.

Right now, thanks in part to Paulson’s legacy, but largely due to the decisions made by the Treasury Department, we have a potentially worse situation on our hands, a situation that wouldn’t have been so bad if a less activist approach had been adopted to improve the economy. There was a great deal of systemic risk, no doubt about it—one financial institution’s collapse would almost certainly bring an immediate end to several others—but we have an equilibrium that can’t possibly sustain itself.

Like Frankenstein, Geithner has a great deal of power and he’s created a monster. In fact, financial pundits like Barry Ritholtz and now the popular press have coined the term “zombie banks” to describe the banks that should be bankrupt, but aren’t. Unlike other companies, like Chrysler and possibly GM very soon, when banks run out of money they don’t just stop operations.

After all, their main asset is trust, and their main “product” is money, which can keep flowing even when it goes negative (think of your DBA account). Chrysler would find it hard to pull the same magic trick and run its factories without paying its workers or buying parts. The legal authorities must come in and force the banks into bankruptcy upon finding that they can’t pay their debts. However, instead of burying the dead, Geithner is pumping American taxpayer dollars into these banks and keeping them alive.

Again, we can say that the bank executives might thank Geithner, but it’s a rather miserable life the banks are living right now. Not completely alive, yet not really dead, these banks limp along, distrusted. Because of this mistrust, they can only weakly contribute to the financial system, doing nothing to stop the cycle of negative market growth. The executives are still employed, but they probably should have been happier still if they were employed in a stronger banking system and weren’t universally hated by the public. We’ve created a system that can’t sustain itself forever. But this system also can’t change without some massive repercussions. After all, if we keep pumping life support into the banks, we’ll eventually run out of money. But if we stop, it might just kill the major banks and financial institutions, taking the economy down with them. It’s a classic case of damned if we do and damned if we don’t.

Secretary Geithner’s latest gambit is now the retooled stress test. So far, this has been a more successful play than the Treasury’s previous attempts. Unlike Geithner’s past efforts to stabilize the markets, stocks have actually reacted well. Even banks like Wells Fargo, which needs more capital, have, counter intuitively, seen gains in stock price. But one might be skeptical of stock prices, considering their tendency to be a bit too optimistic at times (see: tech bubble and this bubble), but if nothing else, at least Geithner is seeing some signs of (nonzombie) life in his patients now.

As fellow sons and daughters of Dartmouth, we want Geithner to succeed. And as college students soon to be ejected into the calamity of the job market, we really want him to succeed. But these days, it’s hard to tell what direction we’re headed. Despite what some conservative talking heads have declared, we would not have been better off just completely leaving the financial system to sink or swim.

However, it’s also hard to say whether or not things are getting better or worse with the government’s continued activist intervention. Liberal economists like Paul Krugman have repeatedly declared we should be spending more. Republicans pretty much as a whole insist that we spend less. Other prominent voices in the financial world simply say that we’re going about this in a wrongheaded and clumsy fashion. The only thing we haven’t really heard is anyone saying that we’ve been doing things right.

We have granted Timothy Geithner extraordinary power—arguably even more than Paulson had, just because Obama’s sky-high approval ratings are behind him. More than a few have attributed his actions to his cozy relationship with Wall Street bankers (a general tendency among Dartmouth alumni).

Let us, however, remember Hanlon’s razor: “Never attribute to malice what can be adequately explained by stupidity.” But even if he is truly on no one’s side and is sincerely doing all he can to fix our broken financial system, can we really be that confident about the job he’s doing? Does it really help us if he is truly impartial but simply incompetent? Geithner most likely isn’t stupid. If he were, he could not have gotten to where he is now—it’s statistically not very likely that he has just been stupidly lucky for this long. But that only makes his actions during this crisis all the more baffling. I just hope what he’s doing and what he will continue to do make more sense to him than they do to me.

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Obama's First Hundred Days

West Wing, Woohoo!

ith hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.”

Barack Obama’s presidency did not have the ideal start. He succeeded George W. Bush, one of the most unpopular presidents in recent history. He inherited two mismanaged wars and an economy in the midst of an implosion. At his inauguration, Chief Justice Roberts even managed to bumble Obama’s swearing-in.

But the American people also voted him to a resounding victory, handing him a clear mandate for his liberal policies. With that power, Obama has quickly moved to reverse two terms of Bush ineptitude and move America on the path to progressivism. His first hundred days bring back memories of FDR’s first hundred days, in which he and Congress passed an onslaught of legislation meant to offset the deepening depression that eventually established the foundation for the First New Deal. In his first hundred days, Obama didn’t waste any time getting into the meat of things.

“We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America will emerge stronger than before.”

In the initial days of his presidency, Obama acted swiftly to counteract effects of the recession he described as the worst crisis since the Great Depression. Less than a month into office, Obama signed into law the $787 billion economic stimulus package that he had been advocating since the election. Obama hopes the stimulus bill will create over 3.5 million jobs and help prop up America’s weakening infrastructure and educational system. Guided by this hope, Obama used the stimulus package as a blueprint for his proposed federal budget, which, along with infrastructure and education, would cut taxes for 95% of Americans and increase investment in green technologies, renewable energy, and health care.

Obama has also become a proactive player in the automaker and bank bailouts, emerging as the bully pulpit unafraid to express his disdain for waste of stimulus money. The White House demanded the resignation of GM CEO Rick Wagoner when the struggling carmaker blew through $17 billion in federal loans and asked for more. Obama publicly blasted what he called “lavish” bonuses to executives of banks that were receiving government money, and capped executive pay at firms benefitting from federal aid.

These gestures rocked Wall Street and Detroit and sent the message that misuse of taxpayer money was unacceptable. But the bigger message Obama sent was that he was a president of the people who would lobby on their behalf and listen to their frustrations—whether they are due to AIG bonuses or Detroit CEOs taking private jets to Capitol Hill to discuss their bailouts.

Although he has spent much of his time green-lighting stimulus funds for banks and automakers, Obama hasn’t forgotten about the average American. In light of the subprime mortgage crisis and skyrocketing foreclosures numbers, Obama has promised nearly $275 billion to help stabilize the housing market and stave off imminent foreclosures. More recently, Obama has introduced plans to give college students loans directly from the government by bypassing private lenders, a move that would simplify and speed up the loan process.

“…we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.”

The greatest damages Bush inflicted on our country was the curtailing of civil liberties, violations of international law, and the degradation of our moral standing. Obama didn’t skip a beat in renewing the pursuit of the moral high ground. In just his first few days of office he suspended military tribunals for Guantanamo detainees, issued an executive order to close Guantanamo, closed CIA “black sites” used for extraordinary rendition and torture, and banned “enhanced interrogation techniques.”

Obama also wasn’t afraid to call “enhanced interrogation techniques” what they were—torture. In an address to Congress on February 24, Obama reminded lawmakers that “living our values doesn’t make us weaker, it makes us safer and it makes us stronger. And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not torture.” President Obama reiterated America’s new dedication against torture and waterboarding when he released the Bush torture memos on April 16.

“Laws … affect the daily realities of people’s lives.”

Obama’s first three months of domestic policies previewed an America where equality is the norm, science isn’t shunned, and everyone has equal access to all the opportunities America offers.

The President signed his first bill into law only eight days after Inauguration, making the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act a reality. The equal pay legislation was unable to become law in the Bush era, but Obama ended the blockade against it, saying “there are no second-class citizens in our workplaces, and that it’s not just unfair and illegal – but bad for business – to pay someone less because of their gender, age, race, ethnicity, religion or disability.”

In February, Obama enacted another bill previously blocked by Bush, extending government-subsidized health care to children whose parents cannot afford private health care. While a government-sponsored health care system may be months or years away, Obama has proven that health coverage of all Americans is one of his top priorities.

In addition to health care, Obama wants to revamp the nation’s education system. Among his proposals are merit pay for teachers and longer school days. “These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children. But it is up to us to ensure they walk through them. In the end, there is no program or policy that can substitute for a mother or father who will attend those parent/teacher conferences, or help with homework after dinner, or turn off the TV, put away the video games, and read to their child,” Obama admitted.

“America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity.”

Obama came to office in the midst of two wars and faced the threat of terrorism, the growing divide between the United States and the Muslim world, and the distrust of the international community. But he has been up to the challenge.

In his first TV interview of his presidency to the Arabic channel al-Arabiya, Obama emphasized to the Muslim world that “Americans are not your enemy” and that the United States is not an enemy of Islam. He assured the American public that terrorists would be hunted down and eliminated, authorizing strikes against Al-Qaida in Pakistan.

Fulfilling a campaign promise to end the War in Iraq, Obama declared an August 2010 end to combat missions. Obama also ordered more than 20,000 troops to deploy to Afghanistan, which he said would “stabilize a deteriorating situation.”

“We have a lot of work left to do.”

Obama’s first hundred days have been, for the most part, eventful and full of accomplishments. The President’s approval ratings remain high in the 60s, and Americans are increasingly satisfied with the direction of the government’s policies.

But with praise comes skepticism, as most Americans wait for the effects of the stimulus to work and for the economy to turn around. Millions of Americans are waiting to see if unemployment goes down, and if stocks go up. If they don’t, Obama’s good first impression could disappear as quickly as these hundred days have passed.

Obama still has a lot of campaign promises left on his checklist. Some of them—such as reducing the federal budget deficit­­­­—will take years, while others $mdash; such as overturning the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy, could come to fruition with a stroke of a pen. Now that the mainst
ream media’s hype about Obama’s first hundred days is over, let’s see what he does with his next 1,362.

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Transitioning Spaces

Become LGBTQ-Friendly

f a brother or sister of a single sex Greek house transitioned to the opposite gender, would they be allowed to remain a sister or brother?

This was one of the more provocative questions asked at April 30th’s “Don’t Yell Fag from the Porch,” a PRIDE Week panel discussion that addresses homophobia in the Greek system. It’s also a question I doubt would have ever been asked at Dartmouth just four years ago, when recognition of transgender issues, even within the queer community, was low. This is a good sign for the evolving campus dialogue on LGBTQ issues. While overt, aggressive acts of homophobia still exist, the focus of dialogue on queer issues has shifted from these to the pervasive heteronormativity of campus culture in general.

During a LGBTQ panel winter term, Kris Gebhard ’09, a transgender student, said that members of Greek houses occasionally approach him asking about how they can make their houses more transgender friendly. His response? Go gender neutral.

The truth is that the very existence of gender segregation makes it extremely difficult to have a completely queer-friendly, single-sex organization. While a couple of fraternity brothers at the PRIDE discussion were quick to say that they would support a transitioning brother and wouldn’t kick them out, other students were skeptical of this, pointing out that a student originally of the opposite gender would never have been admitted to the fraternity in the first place. One woman stated honestly that a female-to-male transitioning student would have to leave a sorority because it is fundamentally a single-sex institution.

This triggered another question: what exactly is the point of a single-sex institution? Nobody fully answered this query at the event. The incomplete responses claimed that there are positive aspects of gender segregation. Sororities, for example, are supposed to provide safe spaces for women. I myself have little to say in favor of single-sex houses—I’ve made my opposition to them and my support of coed houses clear in previous writings (see my editorial co-authored with Mary Novak in Issue 8.6: Equal Spaces: Make Smiling Faces). Even the concept of sororities as a “safe space” to counter male-dominated fraternities bothers me, since it’s the single-sex system which creates these threatening spaces to begin with. The solution is not to have unsafe and safe spaces on campus—it’s for all spaces to be safe spaces.

Whatever the arguments on behalf of single-sex houses, it’s incumbent on such organizations to determine whether those benefits outweigh the negatives. A gender neutral house doesn’t have to consider whether it would allow a transitioning brother or sister to remain a member; it doesn’t have to deal with the question of whether to allow a transgender person into their house in the first place, and perhaps most importantly, it doesn’t have to determine whether biological sex or gender identity defines a person. Gender neutral houses can simply accept all people for who they are.

One argument raised on behalf of single-sex houses is that people have a choice—single-sex or coed houses. First of all, “coed” is a problematic term; “gender neutral” is more inclusive, and thus coed houses have begun to use this terminology. Putting this debate aside, however, the concept of “choice” is misleading. How many coed Greek organizations are there? Three. Each has its own distinct personality; if you don’t fit in there, you’re stuck with the single-sex options. Except, single-sex options aren’t necessarily available to transgender students, students who don’t feel fully able to identify with a sorority or fraternity, or students who don’t fit into the male/female gender binary. Some transgender students opt to stop at a point in the middle of their transition. For these students, single-sex house are even more problematic.

In addition, you might prefer a single-sex house that doesn’t allow your sex to join. I know men who spend virtually all their time in a sorority, and women who spend most of their time in a fraternity, yet are not members because of, well, their chromosomes. This could be because they have many friends of the opposite sex or, as is often the case, it is related to sexual preference. A large part of the Greek scene revolves around the hook-up culture and conversations about crushes, hook-ups, and relationships. While some single-sex houses try to be queer friendly and attempt to use language that doesn’t assume your current crush is a member of the opposite sex, most houses tend to have far more heterosexual members. Given the frequent sexual focus of conversation at meetings, a gay individual might feel more comfortable in a house of the opposite sex, where they’re attracted to the same gender as the other members.

A simple solution is for all Greek organizations to officially go gender neutral. Don’t freak out too much though—this might not radically change the demographics of houses, but it would help make them more queer friendly. For instance, GDX is a coed house. What now? GDX, despite long having had only male members (thanks to the football team’s block rush), is technically a coed institution. Thus, GDX has the perceived benefits of a male-only house, but without a discriminatory official policy.

Other single-sex houses should follow its lead and, although the transition may be slow, become gender-neutral. Gender-neutral houses can better handle the otherwise delicate situations associated with gender brought up at the “Don’t Yell Fag from the Porch” discussion. If we want a campus community welcoming of all, we need to evolve in whatever ways we can to combat a heteronormative culture.

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Global Health: The Upside of Swine Flu

very cloud has a silver lining. Yes, even swine flu, the media darling of the past couple of weeks. If you haven’t heard about swine flu yet, you should probably do a thorough evaluation of how you spend your time…because you clearly haven’t spoken to another human being in awhile. Almost overnight, swine flu has entered our national conscience. Daily updates have filled our blitzmail inboxes and even the slightest cough or complaint is met with (half) joking responses of “Is it swine flu?” Even President Obama sounded like a worried parent when he recently urged the American public to wash our hands. Are you sick of hearing about swine flu yet? Don’t be. The swine flu media blitz is doing much more than bump CNN ratings; it is forcing Americans to experience the realities of a pandemic—realities that much of the developing world faces on a regular basis.

As reports of the swine flu virus spread, countries across the world are anticipating the worst. However, it is becoming clear that developing countries will be left behind in a potential race to treat the pandemic. There is evidence that the global supplies of the two antiviral drugs that are effective against swine flu (Tamiflu and Relenza) are disproportionally concentrated in wealthy countries. Great Britain, for example, has enough doses to treat 30 million cases, whereas vastly more populous India has supplies to treat a mere 142,000. Even more worrisome is the fact that developing countries have historically been hit much harder by pandemics than developed countries. A 2006 study based on the’18-1920 Spanish influenza pandemic predicts that the “the next global influenza pandemic would kill 62 million people, with 96 percent of the deaths occurring in low-income and middle-income settings.” Although these figures are by no means a definitive (or even moderately accurate) predictor of the swine flu’s potential behavior, they are a powerful testimony to the vulnerability of developing nations.

As dire as these predictions are, health crises are simply nothing new for much of the developing world. Consider the following pandemics:

? AIDS: 33 million are infected globally. Each year, 2.7 million more are infected and 2 million die.

? Malaria: 1 to 3 million die every year, 90 percent of them in sub-Saharan Africa.

? Tuberculosis: 1.7 million died in 2006, 90 percent of them in developing countries.

Simply put, we are spoiled. The incidences of AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis are infinitely rarer in the United States than in the developing world, and care is readily available in the case of infection. Global health issues are not a day-to-day worry for the average American. Swine flu, however, has changed that. For the first time I can remember, we have a global health crisis breathing down our developed-world necks. But maybe this dose of reality will help open our eyes and realize that for large parts of the world, fear of deadly disease is just another fact of life.

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Churches Without God

Secular Student Organizations

hen I tell people I’m an atheist, I think they often assume that I believe in nothing. Take Sam Buntz ’11’s recent column in The Dartmouth, entitled “A Story to Live By,” where he ignorantly dismisses atheism as a fad with the same level of meaning as pogs or PokÉmon—but requiring less work. A response by Peter Blair ’12 accuses atheism of being a force that “destroys all moral bonds.” These kinds of serious misconceptions are exactly why the emergence of new atheist organizations across the country and on campuses, a phenomenon Buntz makes light of, fills a vital need.

For the record, atheists do not lack beliefs, only in a belief in God. (For a discussion of atheism and morality, see my article in Issue 9.2: “Perspectives on Atheism.”) Many atheists (and humanists and freethinkers) feel strongly about their beliefs and are eager for an outlet to express them, which has spurred the proliferation of atheist “churches,” as described in a recent New York Times article, “Atheists Shout it From the Rooftops.” Furthermore, the development of atheist institutions is particularly inspiring because it can work to combat the prejudices some religious persons have toward non-theists, which may stem from simple misunderstanding and lack of information about what atheism means.

On campuses, chapters of the Secular Student Alliance are popping up to serve atheist, agnostic, humanist, and freethinking college students, focusing their efforts on support, education, and service. Kurt Nelson, the Multi-Faith Program Advisor at the Tucker Foundation, supports the formation of such an organization at Dartmouth as an important element of interfaith dialogue that is beneficial to non-theist students, although as of yet there are no immediate plans for its establishment. As someone who has written and spoken frequently about atheism at Dartmouth, it would be a relief to have an actual organizational support which could address misconceptions or issue a response to offensive columns such as Buntz’s.

Service opportunities have been a particular focus of the campus chapters of the Secular Student Alliance—think about how religious organizations within the Tucker Foundation function. Students join not because other service and activist opportunities are nonexistent, but because they are motivated by their beliefs and want to work with others who share their core values. In the same way as many of my religious friends are motivated by their faith in God, atheism is the driving force behind my own activism. I’m still seeking a non-sappy way to explain this, but at the core of my beliefs is the concept that this life is everything, so we have a responsibility to live it to the fullest and to make the world a better place for others. Many of the activists I’ve worked with on campus in my four years here have been non-theists whose devotion to participating in good causes was based on non-religious beliefs—yet they cannot opt to act within an organization centered around their belief system.

Visible service under an atheist banner also feeds into the educational component of secular student groups, in that it helps combat the “atheists-are-immoral” misconception. The fact that the Navigators and Aquinas House went to the Gulf Coast to help in the aftermath of Katrina gives a positive impression of Christianity, but for atheist students who participate in non-faith based trips, their belief system is invisible. Also, a secular student union is an official group that can engage in interfaith relationships with other organizations—atheists and agnostics are already represented on Dartmouth’s Multi-Faith Council, demonstrating their interest in being involved in the conversation.

Support is also a primary goal of these new atheist “churches,” both for people coming to terms with their beliefs and for committed atheists. For me, it would have been amazing to have been able to attend a meeting of the Dartmouth Secular Student Alliance as a first-year. I was then in the midst of figuring out that neither ”baptized Catholic” or “agnostic” adequately defined my core principles, fearing losing the security blanket of an afterlife that rewards a decent life, and utilizing the internet (okay, Wikipedia) as my primary guide in realizing that I was an atheist. Those who convert to an organized religion have an entire support system to help them; emerging atheists go it alone. True, there are many benefits to figuring out your beliefs on your own—too many people conform to given principles because some authority figure tells them to. Nonetheless, I think an atheist organization would still value individual thought and discussion, and I would have appreciated being able to speak with other atheists about their beliefs and hear their coming out stories.

That’s right, coming out: atheists have borrowed the language of the LGBT rights movement because so many of us hide our beliefs “in the closet.” Given that I know my dad reads my DFP articles, he must know by now that I’m an atheist, but I’ve never quite had the courage to actually address it with him. I never came out to my devoutly Catholic grandparents before they passed away—I used to go to church on Christmas because “my grandmother would like it,” and out of a desire not to hurt her, although I was uncomfortable with that façade. On the other side of my family, I still haven’t come out to my conservative Mormon relatives. Even though I myself have a number of problems with their beliefs (especially the homophobic elements), I am able to consider them at heart well-meaning, good people; however, I’m afraid their religious prejudices would force them to reject me as immoral. Of course, plenty of religious persons would be accepting of atheists; unfortunately, my research into atheism also turned up horror stories of people who were disowned or treated as suddenly immoral or dangerous just for coming out as atheists. An atheist organization can help people come out to their friends and relatives, and can be there if the revelation goes badly.

In addition to helping people first realizing they are atheists, these new organizations reinforce the beliefs of and provide guidance for committed atheists. Right now, the path of the atheist tends to be a lonely one. You can’t go to church when you’re feeling unsettled and in need of guidance; there’s no atheist advisor on campus. When I find myself not acting like a “good atheist,” hopefully I either set myself straight, or have a friend—atheist or otherwise—who can point out my mistakes. It’s a rare individual who lives up to what he or she believes to be right all the time—people try, but fallibility is one human characteristic that theists and atheists can agree on.

In other words: sometimes, I fuck up. For example, one of the core tenets of my belief system and the Secular Student Alliance’s mission statement is respect for theism and atheism alike, even if there are specific elements of their belief system—again, such as homophobia—you cannot respect. Driven by this and some genuine curiosity, last term I wanted to write a nuanced and accurate article on interfaith relations at Dartmouth, so I spent two weeks neglecting my schoolwork to do research and a multitude of interviews toward that end. Then in casual conversation I let intolerant or disrespectful comments toward religion slip out—even if it is out of somewhat justifiable frustration, I know I’m not doing what I believe I ought to and regret it after. But it’s frequently difficult to always hold myself accountable without the support of fellow atheists.

This leads me to one final point in promotion of atheist coalitions. While I consider cross-faith conversations vital—the isolation of communi
ties can breed intolerance and misunderstanding—I rarely get the equally healthy experience of discussing my own beliefs with likeminded individuals, or in a non-defensive manner. Though we may differ in our approaches to atheism, just like theists differ in their conceptions of God, the chance to dialogue with others who share my core motivating beliefs is attractive. I want to share my philosophy on life with somebody who might feel the same way. That’s the message of these new atheist, humanist, and freethinking coalitions: we’re simply tired of going it alone.

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We're Still in Iraq, FYI

It's Not Over

n April 24, a woman walked up to a crowd of Iranian pilgrims on a street leading to the shrine of Imam Musa al-Kadhim, Baghdad’s most revered Shiite holy site. The woman headed straight towards the Iranians and detonated the explosives strapped to her body, taking the lives of over two dozen people with her. Five minutes later, a man who walked into the aftermath did the same, killing another two dozen people with a round of explosives. The wounded totaled over 120. The confirmed dead: 60.

There were over 20 major attacks in Iraq during the month of April. A coalition of Sunni terrorist groups is largely responsible for the recent surge of violence in Iraq. Their goal: to upset whatever relative calm has settled over Iraq by staging more and more spectacular attacks in supposedly secured areas of the country. In Mosul, their present staging ground in the north of Iraq, the insurgents have done everything in their power to hold on to the last terrorist foothold in the country.

Meanwhile, the headlines have featured everything but Iraq. In mid-April, that Scottish singer on Britain’s Got Talent took the media spotlight away from… Obama’s new puppy. Meanwhile, the deadly string of attacks remained relatively ignored. What is it about these attacks that seem to dive under the radar back home? Are people beginning to forget that we’re in two simultaneous campaigns—two ongoing, seemingly never-ending conflicts to which we have committed billions of dollars of American treasure along with the lives and safety of over a million soldiers and American civilians? In Iraq, there are just as many Americans in danger as have been for the duration of the war. Have we forgotten?

One veteran is sure of it. “It’s easy to see the progression of thought,” remarked Oakland, California native Neil Smithe, a veteran of the war in Iraq and a participant in the second battle of Fallujah in the fall of 2004. “The war starts. Everyone gets excited and patriotic and all that. Then it starts to get a little bad. Then it gets really bad. Headlines, headlines everywhere, protest groups, whatever. Then comes the surge and the slow steady decline of violence. Then, all of a sudden, people stopped listening. Not all of them, no. But a lot.” Asked about the lack of attention on Iraq and Afghanistan, Smithe responds, “It affects me personally because I still know some guys over there. They haven’t forgotten any part of it, no matter how ‘calm’ people say it’s been. Violence is up in Afghanistan, remember? People need to wake up.”

The media has also failed to fulfill their responsibility to informing the public about Iraq. The nightly news programs on major networks offer little to no coverage of the war—not anymore, at least. The 24-hour news channels are more concerned with reporting the size of Michelle Obama’s biceps, Meghan McCain’s feud with Rush Limbaugh, and Sarah Palin’s various unimportant and uninteresting breaches of state ethics laws. While the reporting done by the Baghdad Bureaus of the New York Times and the Washington Post are reliable, a story about Iraq hardly ever hits the front page. Are there bigger stories out there? Sure. Are there more sensational headlines available? Of course. But when two hundred Iraqi civilians and almost twenty American soldiers and sailors die in that faraway front line, the blip on the national radar shouldn’t be so miniscule, so seemingly unimportant to the top brass of Big Media. It should not just barely register in the national consciousness.

Almost a week after the bombing at the Musa al-Kadhim shrine, the United Kingdom made the final decision to get the hell out of Dodge. Six years of British combat operations in Iraq ended on April 30 and the multinational forces in Iraq shrunk by one more country. In fact, despite being labeled a “coalition,” the forces that invaded Iraq in March 2003 were made up overwhelmingly of American and British soldiers.

Now, six years later, we’re officially dissolving the partnership between the United Kingdom and the United States in this forever-disappointing conflict. Unfortunately, even as the British wrapped up and pulled out of Basra, their last outpost in the southern end of Iraq, the story of this rather important development was buried deep into the world news section of the New York Times. In many other media outlets, it was mentioned briskly, if at all.

Mauricio Jovel, a veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan and a native of Echo Park, California, puts the situation bluntly. “I look at civilians when I come back home and it’s hard not to judge them. I mean, I used to be a civilian, I used to walk around without all the knowledge. But we’ve got a million guys [in Iraq and Afghanistan] and nobody seems to remember anymore. We shut down all the insanity that happened in 2006, but the levels of violence are still high. The war’s not over, but people are acting like it is. I served, I did my duty, but not so that people back here can just forget about the guys I said goodbye to who are doing another tour. That kind of ignorance is not something I really anticipated, but I have to tell you, I’m not really shocked.”

As of May 1, the United States Department of Defense confirmed the death of another American service member in Iraq, bringing the total to 4,273 confirmed deaths since the invasion. Petty Officer Tyler J. Trahan of East Freetown Massachusetts is, as of this writing, the latest American serviceman to be killed in Iraq. Unfortunately, he most assuredly will not be the last. Although the Defense Department has not released their names and have thus not affected the official count of the war dead, three American servicemen were killed in Iraq on May 1st.

With the departure of President Wright at the end of the school year, we risk losing a great reminder of what veterans have done for us over the years and what they will continue to do for us in the future. A former Marine and a vigorous activist for people who wear the uniform, Wright has spent a significant amount of his tenure reminding the students of Dartmouth about sacrifices young people have made for this country and for its citizens. Wright has also reminded us of the contributions these young people have made as students at this campus and at other colleges across the country. So many aspects of Wright’s tenure will be missed, but this will be one of the most important of them.

With the economy in a tailspin and the relative success of new strategies in Iraq, the seemingly willful ignorance permeating the halls of this campus and the rest of the country almost make sense. Almost. Seniors are having a terrible time looking for jobs, and of course this is a priority. All around the country, people are losing their livelihoods and their savings. But in Iraq and in Afghanistan, the men and women who volunteered to serve so far away from home face dangers far beyond our looming post-graduation plans. “We forget about it,” Smithe continues. “We forget about it and we don’t even notice. Everyone’s got problems, that’s not supernatural, that’s a fact. It makes sense, if you’re looking for a job, you’re not going to be thinking about much else. But we’re in a real war, whether you want to believe it or not. And as much as it looks like it’s getting better at one end, there’s a leak that’s springing up at the other.”

But with so many of the veterans I’ve spoken to, no matter how hard their jobs are and no matter how many times they’ve cursed themselves about volunteering for this often lousy and ridiculously dangerous endeavor, at the end all they ask is that people not denounce, devalue or ignore what they’ve done.

That’s simple enough, isn’t it?

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Warehousing Refugees

ive United States Congressmen stepped behind yellow police tape at the Sudanese embassy in Washington D.C. and waited for police to give them their three warnings while a small crowd chanted “Peace now!” before the politicians were led away in plastic hand-cuffs. The demonstrators were bringing attention to President Omar al-Bashir’s expulsion of 16 aid organizations from Sudan $mdash; a move the U.N. fears will endanger the lives of 1 million people. While this is a serious problem, it is compounded by another big issue facing Sudanese refugees: warehousing.

Refugee warehousing is the practice of restricting refugees’ freedom of mobility and right to provide for themselves, subsequently forcing them to depend on foreign aid. This is essentially what refugee camps, which currently house 7 million (out of 12 million) of the world’s refugees, are. Usually camps provide aid and shelter for refugees temporarily; however for long periods of time, camps often accomplish the very opposite of what they set out to achieve and are apt to become centers that encourage disempowerment and make refugees feel they no longer have control over their lives. A refugee in Uganda recalled feeling “just like a child now. I don’t know where I am, I don’t know where to go.” In addition to fostering this feeling of utter helplessness, the camps’ ultimate goals are sometimes never reached — they are usually situated too close to borders to provide real protection and have often become havens for disease. In’94, some 50,000 Rwandan refugees died of cholera and dehydration in an overcrowded camp in Zaire. A U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees officer even confessed that “there is no doubt that refugees are better off living outside camps.”

So why do these camps even exist ? Simply put, they are an easy pseudo-solution for some of the problems associated with refugees. Countries cannot send refugees back to the very countries they fled, and waiting for voluntary repatriation can take a while when people are escaping decade long conflicts. Host countries often see refugees as burdens due to the cost of integrating them. However, keeping million of still-suffering refugees reliant upon aid is even more expensive in the long run. It’s frankly surprising that this is not a topic of protest. Even more disturbing is the fact that this issue hasn’t attracted global condemnation. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI), “Refugees languishing year after year in inhospitable, dangerous, desolate no-man’s lands near remote and often contested borders are no one’s favorite assignment or story. As a result, warehoused refugees tend to fall off the radar screen of international attention and into the Orwellian memory hole.”

The USCRI is right: refugee camp stories are rare, and once they are covered, they are seldom brought up again. They were a news item about three years ago and despite the media’s indifference, refugees are still languishing in under-resourced, overcrowded camps. The genocide in Sudan garners sporadic attention, though usually only when Congress members are arrested for the cause. Aid organizations need to be let back into Sudan but they also need to be monetarily supported in countries where they are allowed to operate. The Congressmen engaged in civil disobedience to end the genocide— let us hope they continue taking action and get support in Congress to end refugee warehousing.

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Domesticate the Stars

hat if there were a new energy source, one that had no harmful emissions and boundless availability? Instead of curtailing our oil consumption and starting wars in the Middle East, imagine if we could simply snap our fingers and have almost an unlimited source of energy at our disposal. Would this not render superfluous all of our current huffing and puffing over saving the world? Will the search for the ultimate energy source play out as a tragedy or comedy? I argue for the latter.

This holy grail of energy is a process called nuclear fusion, the reaction that powers the sun and thus makes life on Earth possible. First reproduced by Earthlings in’29, and subsequently crafted into the multi-megaton “H-Bomb” in’51, nuclear fusion has always been the untamable cousin of nuclear fission, the process used in current nuclear power plants. The problem with fusion, at least so far, is that it requires a huge amount of energy to get particles to fuse — more energy than the process produces.

Back in the’80’s, Stanley Pons and Martin Fleishmann, two esteemed American scientists, claimed that not only had they harnessed the power of fusion $mdash; that is, produced a net surplus of energy – but they had also done it at room temperature. No flaming orbs of gas, just some electricity, palladium (a stable metal), and deuterium (a chemical found in seawater). Just imagine the potency of this energy: cold fusion was touted to use a gallon of seawater to produce ten-times as much energy as a gallon of gasoline can. Unfortunately, they were unable to reproduce the results of their initial experiment. Their claims were discredited, and mainstream scientific opinion overwhelmingly rejects the idea that cold fusion is possible. Some scientists, fixated on the possibility of a nearly unlimited and easy to harness energy source, continue to pursue cold fusion. However, there is no evidence that cold fusion is anything more than a dream.

But the skeptics received a surprise last week when CBS ran a special on 60 Minutes titled “Cold Fusion is Hot Again,” which highlighted recent advancements in the technology. Apparently, there is a new crop of scientists across the world that claims success with a process very similar to the one used by Pons and Fleichmann, the original “discoverers” of cold fusion. This includes the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), arguably the most prolific scientific think tank in the United States— they invented the Internet and GPS. Although people have claimed to have achieved cold fusion in the past, never has there been such widespread hype from such respected sources. These claims still have not garnered validation within the scientific community at large, so it remains to be seen what will come of these supposed developments. But the point of this article is not to talk simply of the cold fusion debate. Instead, it is simply to pose the question: what would happen if we could have virtually free energy?

Everything we do as a civilization requires energy. The ability of Homo sapiens to harness energy sources in the environment $mdash; like the cavemen who discovered fire, or those frazzled geeks who were behind Manhattan Project$mdash; is what makes us uniquely civilized animals. Every time energy becomes more abundant, it is as if every load is lightened, and every distance shortened. Any of the varied currencies which motivate the actions of humanity $mdash; blood, money, land, information, transportation $mdash; can be easily translated in terms of energy and its limitations. Our greatest strides into the future have always been marked by a widespread transfusion of fuel, from food to coal and gasoline, to wind and sunshine, and finally to plutonium.

Ever since that radioactive growth spurt in the aftermath of World War II, it seems that our energy advancement has slowed down. Meanwhile, we are suffocating in our collective exhale of CO2, and it seems that time is running out unless we do something drastic. What if nuclear fusion is exactly what our society needs to get itself out of this quagmire and finally hurdle us into the age of Science Non-Fiction?

Unfortunately, it is not that simple. It remains unlikely that anything resembling fusion will power our lives in the foreseeable future: for now, we’re stuck with trying to eke efficiency out of solar, wind, and geothermal power. But how people react to the prospect of nuclear fusion affords us a thoughtful insight into the nature of environmentalism, philanthropy, and new-millennium pessimism. It is worth considering the long-term effects of such a breakthrough.

Let’s say the year is 2050, and nuclear fusion is finally practical. Imagine that for the past forty years, every developed country in the world has been churning out fusion reactors. They are selling the energy to the international grid so that everyone can get a share. People are happy and energy bills are lower than ever. Here we encounter the first question: what happens to those countries that are not developed enough to build the reactors? Well, they become even more reliant on other superpowers, and suddenly third world countries become fourth world countries, forgotten and left behind.

Perhaps the technology would not be owned by the government, but rather by a private firm. Now, you all know about John D. Rockefeller, the founder of Standard Oil, and the figurehead of the transition from coal energy to crude oil. Now, imagine someone who dealt in energy with TEN TIMES the profit margins of Rockefeller. We are talking trillions of dollars here. It is never a good idea for a single man to rank as an international superpower.

Ignoring the practicalities of implementing the technology and ensuring its widespread availability, there is still that lingering question of whether or not Planet Earth would really be a better place. According to the “Rebound Effect,” increasing efficiency does not always result in decreased scarcity. Sometimes, because energy is cheaper, people consume more goods, thus outweighing the efficiency benefits of the new technology. Or, new energy technologies allow for new production possibilities, contributing to increased consumption. So, even if fusion comes to fruition, it may not be the ultimate solution to humanity’s energy needs.

Breakthroughs in nuclear fusion are undoubtedly good news, and the existence of such an energy source would certainly buy us some time, but inventing efficient nuclear fusion is not the hardest part. There are many things that could go wrong, and we must usher our civilization into the future with careful discretion: we must use our technology, not the other way around. This could be our last chance to catch a sustainable wave and ride it off into the future.

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Watch this Play: Miss Julie

here’s something about watching a small bird sliced in half onstage that makes a play particularly compelling. In the case of Miss Julie—the Dartmouth Theater Department’s student production of the classic August Strindberg play—the winning potion includes a band of merry and musically inclined servants, a repugnant and bird-killing valet, and a maniacal and suicidal young lady of the house.

Miss Julie, an‘88 play by Swedish playwright August Strindberg, confronts issues of power in’th century aristocratic society. The title character, played by Sarah Laeuchli ’11, has a particularly awful relationship with her father’s valet, Jean, played by Harrison Davies ’09. Jean, an ambitious and particularly well-read, well-spoken servant, desperately wants to elevate his status in life.

Miss Julie, the emotionally unstable, borderline psychotic daughter of Jean’s employer, seeks enjoyment in life in order to eclipse the emotional trauma of her family’s tumultuous and unfortunate history. Ultimately, this is not a great idea. As Miss Julie and Jean spar, their relationship takes a sharp turn. An assertive male, unconcerned with aristocratic decorum, Jean slowly but surely picks apart Miss Julie’s vulnerabilities, manipulating her, insulting her and driving her closer and closer to insanity.

This show is not a comedy. If the audience laughs, it is not out of comedic pleasure, but rather in reaction to the shockingly abrasive behavior by Jean, who has mastered the art of douchebaggery (in fact, the audience quickly comes to the conclusion that this man is the biggest douchebag in the long, long history of douchebags). But don’t be deterred—the play draws its audience into the insular world of aristocratic’th century Sweden, following Miss Julie and her lover through the entirety of one single, fiery, crackling, emotionally powerful night.We wait, throughout, with almost morbid anticipation for a bitter end sure to come.

These two characters offer us a paradoxical relationship defined by its inevitable, almost elegant connection. On the surface, Miss Julie and Jean come together out of a lust neither can resist. Yet thanks to the artful subtlety of David Mavricos’s direction, we see two distinct social castes battling for control. Revulsion and irresistible attraction existbetween these characters, creating one of the most tortured relationships this reviewer has ever seen on stage. Both Miss Julie and Jean are deeply intrigued by the other’s lifestyle, yet utterly repelled by each other.

The performances are stellar, especially Laeuchli’s, whose character’s slow, winding shift toward madness confirms yet another paradox—this one played out among the audience. We find Miss Julie both compelling and repulsive, jocular yet supercilious. We laugh at her amusing pomposity and grimace at her increasingly caustic attacks.

This play is Strindberg through and through—fundamentally rooted in Naturalism, an uncompromisingly realistic approach to performance and theater. Knowing this, Dartmouth’s production of Miss Julie provides a series of powerful performances, a collection of masterful design elements, and a profound lesson in the perils of lust, rage, and the unfortunate nature of whatever it is that drives someone to so casually butcher a delightfully petite bird in front of us. Excellent.

Miss Julie will be performed May 8th at 8pm and May 9th at 2pm in the Bentley Theater. Do it.

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One Tree Capitol Hill

Human Column

n a slap-to-the-face that made even Rosie O’Donnell drop her donut and say “Damn, that’s cold,” the FOX network denied Obama’s request for airtime—the airtime the administration wanted to fill with a primetime televised press conference. This quarrel was delicious fodder for White House gossip last week and has continued to have national reverberations.

“In our last cabinet meeting concerning the economy,” explained Sec. of State Hillary Clinton as she groomed her hair with a brush made from the bones of fallen political foes, “Barack just kept vigorously stabbing the letter from FOX with his presidential letter opener. He didn’t even want to talk to me about it over our weekly mani and pedi. We’ve never missed a trip to ConstitutioNAIL.”

Much to Barack’s chagrin, FOX’s “compelling new drama” Lie to Me was aired instead of the press conference marking his first 100 days in office. The event was featured on NBC, CBS, and ABC. “I texted Roger Ailes, the President of FOX to see what was up,” sniffled Obama as he stared forlornly at his Blackberry, “but all he wrote back was ‘LOLZ.’ Do they not know who I am? Do they even care anymore?”

I was determined to get to the bottom of this White House wrangle, so I paid a visit to the FOX headquarters. After being charged a five-dollar tax at the door because I voted against Bush and then being forced to walk the thirty flights of stairs because the elevator was “Republicans Only,”

I finally reached the executive offices.

Wheezing from my Everest-like ascent, I walked into the conference room where they were discussing the addition of a laugh track to their Monday night broadcast. “We found that viewers responded better to footage of swine flu-ravaged children and the mutilated bodies of ethnic Palestinians when coupled with pre-recorded laughter,” chortled the FOX producer. The entire scene chillingly reminded me of ancient sacrifice rituals, only instead with lower ranking FOX sycophants chanting “Bring Bush back.”

After the conference, I was lucky enough to again run into the executives while at a local high-class eating establishment, Denny’s. I asked them to explain why they had backhanded the president’s simple request.

One of them, double-fisting two hot-dogs, laughed, “Apparently his economic stimulus package does not extend to the TV networks. Besides, who cares about our nucular [sic] relations with North Korea or whatever it’s called anyway?”

Added another Armani suit, “Our reality filters are down, and we can’t risk having things said on our channel that haven’t first been heavily coated in conservative ideology.”

Not buying either of these responses, I gave them the Melinda Bailey stare from Grey’s Anatomy and asked them the real reason why. After looking at each other and breathing destitute sighs, one finally spoke. “We here at FOX made the decision not to deviate from regular scheduling. Our reasoning? America didn’t listen to us when we wanted to save this nation and voted McCain, so why should we listen to them?” The anonymous executive went on to stick his tongue out at me, chanting, “THEY STARTED IT!!! THEY STARTED IT!!!” The man later threatened that the company has planned to air a two-month continual marathon of Bill O’Reilly on the network if Obama is not replaced by McCain immediately.

Back at the White House, the situation was far more ominous.

“I noticed something was severely wrong,” Michelle said quietly, “when Barack ran into his room crying and locked the door. I tried coaxing him out with his favorite MLK plush toy, but he just kept screaming ‘FOX is SOOOO not invited to my 100 days party.’”

Sasha looked up from petting her new puppy and whispered sadly, “Daddy won’t let me watch American Idol anymore. He said playing FOX shows on the TV will make Bo die.”

Obama’s emotional tears have spilt into his political agenda. Obama is planning on bypassing many political figureheads to create his health plan out of fear of further rejection. Any promises of bipartisan cooperation have been tossed into the wastebasket like a used tampon.

The office where I was interviewing Obama’s cabinet fell silent. Obama had emerged from his room with frumpy hair and mascara running down his face. Although he was somewhat confused as to where he was and what had happened, he agreed to give me an interview.

I asked him why he had become so upset because, after all, he was in the most powerful position in the world, so why should he care?

“Why?” he thundered, “I’m a put-on-a-show kind of guy, I don’t like the backseat, gotta be first. I call the shots.” He paused for a moment to deliver an overtly suggestive dance solo, and then continued, “I’m like a firecracker, I make it hot.”

“How much do you think this will affect your presidency?” I asked.

He stared out the Oval Office window with his ever-popular gazing-into-the-future stance before responding, “I’m over it. I don’t need them. I’ll just a sign a bill that heavily taxes their corporation tomorrow. We need to spread the wealth to help the nation in its economic plague. Furthermore—”

Barack Obama stopped suddenly and angrily stared out the window.

“OMG,” blurted the President, “Is that Hillary going into ConstitutioNAIL with Tim Geithner? I’m so going to tell everybody about her dry heels.”

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